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November 30, 2016

Colby Cosh: Ed Broadbent accidentally reveals the naked self-interest of the left’s electoral crusaders

Ed Broadbent is pretty sure he knows how to stop a Donald Trump type from taking over in Canada. The secret, as he writes in a Wednesday op-ed for a duller rival newspaper, is proportional representation. He says it’s “the firewall against a northern Trump riding a right-wing populist wave to victory.”

I know, I know: this is not exactly a surprise. If you ask a PR advocate whether you should take an umbrella to work next Tuesday, he will find a way to work PR into his answer. But Broadbent’s argument is, in its context, even more revealing than usual. It highlights a cruddy little trick that lies at the heart of almost all proportional representation advocacy. I’ll point it out in the hope that it might be remembered after the federal Liberals finish kicking electoral reform down the road and we eventually come back around to it.

Broadbent’s column is part of the scramble to work the word “Trump” into promotional matter for every political nostrum, racket and crusade on the planet. His argument is pretty loose: boiled down, it says that because proportional representation is fairer than the existing system, its adoption must mean logically that nothing unfair, such as the election of a cunning right-wing populist with a fake suntan, could ever take place.

Maybe you find that convincing. But it is at least a little odd that Broadbent brings this up after, and in relation to, a presidential election. However you might arrange the choice of a head of state, you can have at most one. I don’t think anybody favours letting Jill Stein occupy the Oval Office for three days, 15 hours, and 40 minutes out of every year in the next four just because she drew one percent of the votes for President.

This reminds us, accidentally, that the same goes for choosing a head of government. We could do whatever we liked to make the legislative assembly of the Dominion more proportional, but when it comes to matters of executive prerogative we must still end up with one ultimate decision-maker. Votes that might have led to other choices are still “wasted,” in the lame schoolyard sense in which election reformers always use that term.

The Broadbent hypothesis is that making the Prime Minister answerable to a proportional House of Commons would still help discourage undesirables by ending “egregious” outcomes in which regionally dominant parties gain disproportional numbers of seats. This is certainly true when it comes to regions: our current electoral system is designed to positively favour region as a variable. What PR would do is to make non-regional, widely distributed ideological tendencies more prominent in the House. Everybody knows this is the reason a socialist like Ed Broadbent is so hot for it.

PR would spare the need for Canada’s extreme left to gather in a big tent. It would allow leftists to indulge their well-known taste for endless schism without paying a collective electoral price. And it would create the conditions for brokerage between centrists and small fringe parties of the left and sorta-left-oid-ish.

It should be instantly apparent that all of this goes equally for the right wing, or for any group of voters that shares an interest or a preoccupation. Broadbent accuses Kellie Leitch of trying to win the Conservative party leadership with objectionable Trump-style tactics, and I guess I agree that she is making cynical use of the Trump persuasive apparatus. But since we don’t have proportional representation, she is required to try and win the leadership of a major party in order to exercise power. If we had PR she could just quit the Conservatives and form a Leitch List. I doubt she would have much trouble getting ten or 20 seats in a proportional Commons, and such a Commons would feature members wayyyy to her right politically.

This is what brings us to the PR advocates’ trick: Broadbent says “extremists” could not exploit PR because “countries with such a system have established a threshold each must cross to win seats.” Put another way: no one on Earth, anywhere, really believes in proportionality in the legislature as a logical principle. They all support curtailed proportionality. Curtailed, that is, at some numerical point which suits their particular naked interest.

Our first-past-the-post system has a varying informal threshold which tends to hold down the New Democrats because their vote share is usually around 20 per cent. New Democrats like Ed find that devilishly unfair, but would happily cut off parties below ten per cent, or five. This is nothing but dismal intellectual shamelessness. It may be good politics — but only until we come to our senses and learn to laugh at it.

National Post
ccosh@nationalpost.com
Twitter.com/ColbyCosh

Cap-and-trade will cost Ontarians $8B in first years with minimal greenhouse gas reductions: auditor

TORONTO — Ontario’s cap-and-trade program will cost the province’s consumers and businesses $8 billion dollars in its first years of operation to get minimal greenhouse gas reductions, the auditor general said Wednesday.

In her annual report, Bonnie Lysyk said households will pay an average of $156 next year in added costs on gasoline and natural gas, rising to $210 in 2019 plus another $75 that year in indirect costs on goods and services.

The government has also earmarked $1.32 billion out of the expected $8 billion in projected cap-and-trade revenue to help offset the cost of residential and business electricity bills, but it doesn’t say how, Lysyk’s report said.

And the impact will likely be marginal, she said. Even with a subsidy, the average household electricity bill is projected to increase 23 per cent from 2015 to 2020, Lysyk found.

“Such increased electricity costs may make natural gas, which is responsible for significantly more greenhouse gas emission than cleaner energy sources like solar, hydro, nuclear and wind, an even more economical option,” she wrote.

The carbon pricing scheme, set to come into effect Jan. 1, will likely achieve fewer than 20 per cent of the emission reductions the government wants to see by 2020, Lysyk said.

Christopher Katsarov / Canadian Press

The Liberal government has set an emissions reduction target for that year of 15 per cent below 1990 levels, which would require an estimated 18.7 megatonnes of reductions.

But because the system, which requires polluters to buy emissions allowances, will link with Quebec and California in 2018 the government plans to count emission reductions achieved in those jurisdictions, Lysyk said.

“The potential exists for double reporting of emission reductions between California, Quebec and Ontario,” she said.

Lysyk’s conclusions echo those of the environmental commissioner, who recently said that Ontario’s cap-and-trade program won’t actually limit greenhouse gas emissions through to 2020 because it will often be cheaper for Ontario polluters to purchase California allowances.

Environment Minister Glen Murray defended the cap-and-trade plan, saying it is the best tool to both reduce greenhouse gas pollution and minimize the financial impact on families and businesses.

“A reduction in greenhouse gas pollution anywhere, not just locally, benefits us all,” he said.

The potential exists for double reporting of emission reductions between California, Quebec and Ontario

The government currently regulates polluters through an Environmental Approvals program, but Lysyk found that about 80 per cent of emitters granted approvals in the last 15 years have never been inspected.

Of those the government did inspect over the last five years, about one-third were violating the conditions of their approvals, the auditor said.
The government doesn’t monitor more than 200,000 approvals issued more than 15 years ago and it doesn’t even know how many of those emitters are still operating, Lysyk found.

The auditor also looked at Ontario’s environmental assessment process, finding it lacking in areas. Ontario is the only province that doesn’t require environmental assessments for private-sector mining and chemical manufacturing projects, she said.

Four former private-sector mineral extraction sites alone will cost nearly $1 billion to clean up, Lysyk found.

Murray said the approvals process is “among the most protective in North America,” but hasn’t necessarily “kept pace with the demands of Ontario’s growing economy.” The ministry will look at how to better identify emitters operating without proper approvals and ensure it is collecting amounts that represent true clean-up costs.

Why there is processed cow in Canada’s money. Hint: you can blame it on the polymer

Following a Twitter admission by the Bank of England, nearly two dozen countries — including Canada — learned this week that their polymer banknotes contain trace amounts of animal by-products.

Specifically, the banknotes contain tiny quantities of tallow, a hard, fatty beef by-product typically used in the manufacture of soap, candles and industrial lubricants. Tallow can also be made from sheep. 

A Bank of Canada spokesperson confirmed Wednesday that all of Canada’s polymer bills contained “literally minute” amounts of tallow.

The ingredient first became publicized thanks to vegan activists in the United Kingdom, where polymer bills were first introduced in September.

In a Monday tweet to concerned British vegan Steffi Rox, the Bank of England confirmed “there is a trace of tallow in the polymer pellets used in the base substrate of the polymer £5 notes.” The term “substrate” refers to the base material of the bills onto which all other features are added. 

@SteffiRox there is a trace of tallow in the polymer pellets used in the base substrate of the polymer £5 notes

— Bank of England (@bankofengland) November 28, 2016

The polymer in virtually all of the world’s plastic bills is made by a single Australian company, Innovia Security.

Innovia are the makers of Guardian, a substrate used to manufacture the polymer currency of 24 countries, including Canada, the United Kingdom, Mexico and New Zealand.

Tallow does not appear to be a stand-alone or critical ingredient in Guardian, but the by-product got into the substrate because it is used in processing by Innovia’s resin suppliers.

“Polymer substrate used as a base for bank notes contains additives that help with the polymer manufacturing process, similar to many commercially available plastics,” wrote the Bank of Canada in a Wednesday statement after contacting Innovia. 

“Our supplier of polymer substrate, Innovia Security, has confirmed to us that these additives may include extremely small amounts of tallow,” the statement added. 

In the U.K., an online petition to “remove tallow from banknotes” had garnered 47,000 signatures as of Wednesday morning. The petition has just narrowly pulled ahead of the 44,000 people who signed a petition looking to put David Bowie on a British banknote.

Over in cattle-packed New Zealand, which also has the Innovia-made bill, vegans seemed more indifferent. Vegan Society New Zealand told local media they didn’t intend to “jump up and down” over the bills, while the New Zealand animal rights organization SAFE said it was a “good example of how animal products can pop up in places we don’t expect them to.”

Indeed, small amounts of processed cow parts can be found in everything from pill capsules to chewing gum to shampoo to brake fluid. In fact, almost all of the images ever featured on historic Canadian currency would have first been prepared by an artist using tallow as part of the engraving process. 

Tallow has also gotten McDonald’s into trouble. In 2002, the fast food giant issued an apology and a $10 million donation after vegetarian and religious groups expressed outrage that the company’s French fries were cooked with tallow.

McDonald’s quickly replaced the beef by-product with vegetable oil.

The presence of beef in unsuspected locations is of particular concern for Hindus, who consider cows sacred. Eating beef is also eschewed by many Sikhs, although it is not a religious requirement.

“It’s not something we appreciate,” Vinod Sharma, president of the United Hindu Congress of Canada, told the National Post.

• Email: thopper@nationalpost.com | Twitter: TristinHopper

He was her heroic older brother until she started to dream that he had raped and tortured her

The way Agnes Whitfield, 65, used to remember it, her childhood on a dairy farm near Peterborough, Ont., was pleasant if not idyllic. She was the baby in a large family, and when she cast her mind back to her earliest memory, she remembered a litter of kittens being born on a cot she sometimes napped on in her parents’ room.

Her mother Alta was a former teacher and a disciplinarian. Her father Stanley, who ran the farm, was older, with a lingering limp from polio. Together, they raised four children who went on to successful lives: Joan became a pediatrician, Margaret a psychiatrist, Bryan a college math teacher and Agnes found a love of French literature, which led to graduate work in Paris and Laval, a nomination for a Governor General’s award and a career as an English professor at Queen’s and then York University.

Annik MH de Carufel

But Agnes’s memory is not what it used to be. Through a controversial, self-guided process of repressed memory recovery, prompted by a bitter dispute with her siblings over the family cottage, she claims to remember Bryan torturing and raping her throughout her childhood until she was 20, abetted at times by Margaret, without ever arousing the attention of Joan or their longtime live-in nanny.

Two years ago, despite denials from all three siblings, no corroborating evidence and no criminal charges, Agnes convinced an Ontario Superior Court judge to grant her almost half a million dollars from Bryan, a ruinous amount in his retirement. She had no lawyer, and even cross-examined her own siblings in a trial she insisted on conducting in French to emotionally shield herself. Judge John McIsaac found her performance “masterful.”

Neither agreed to be interviewed for this story. As a cautionary tale in the legal use of recovered memories, their story seems a quarter century out of date, as if it belongs back in the era when repressed memories of child sex abuse, often recovered by adults in therapy, formed the basis of many prosecutions and lawsuits, almost to faddish proportions.

Skepticism grew in the years since, as many of those cases failed. As a result, recent jurisprudence on recovered memories is sparse. The Supreme Court last addressed the concept in 1994, ruling it is not inherently unreasonable for a jury to believe recovered memories, based on their own common sense and experience.

“You just don’t see it as much anymore. You don’t see prosecutions brought solely on the basis of supposedly recovered memories,” said Matthew Gourlay, Bryan’s lawyer. “This case was unusual because it was a private lawsuit; you didn’t need the police or Crown to sign off on it.”

***

Cassis, France, marks the western terminus of the French Riviera. When Agnes arrived there in the late summer of 2001, she was in a bad place with her family back in Toronto, estranged from her three grown daughters, and divorced from their father, Stan Kirschbaum.

Agnes and Stan fell in love at Queen’s in the 1970s, when she was an undergrad and he a young professor, and eventually both became professors at York’s francophone Glendon College. She left him in 1997 on the day of her mother’s funeral, moving to Montreal with Daniel Gagnon, an artist and writer whose work she translated, and with whom she had fallen in love. The divorce grew ever uglier, as Agnes contacted media outlets to urge them to report on Stan’s father’s alleged Nazi ties in Czechoslovakia, even once trying to get this issue onto the faculty council agenda at Glendon. (There is some substance to the story, which was extensively covered by the Kingston Whig-Standard years before the divorce.)

She was also feuding intensely with her siblings over the family cottage near Buckhorn, Ont., in the Kawartha Lakes. She wanted to keep it, and offered them a lowball price, but they forced her to sell. This coincided exactly with her first experience of recovered memory, in a flashback that prompted her to send a note to her siblings, accusing Bryan of raping her, prostituting her and nearly killing her.

Bryan, I accuse you by this letter, of the premeditated attempted murder of a little girl I carry inside me

“Bryan, I accuse you by this letter, of the premeditated attempted murder of a little girl I carry inside me,” she wrote, just before leaving for France. Her daughter Olga wrote to Bryan soon after: “Mom is not well and unfortunately this is not the first of this kind of accusation that she has made.” Accusing had become her “modus vivendi,” her way of life.

Bryan replied to Agnes with a note of comfort and concern, saying her behaviour was “strange and worrisome.” The next day, Agnes reported her memories to police. They suggested she keep a diary.

In Cassis with Daniel Gagnon a few days later, the floodgates of her memory opened. She felt intense fear and rage, and strange bodily sensations. Words were “popping out” of her mind unbidden, and she would see “fragmented visual images” that felt like “pieces of dreams.”

Robin Robinson / Postmedia Network

“My memories continue to emerge here in Cassis. The peace of the place lends itself to this process of drawing the painful events in my life out of the forgotten past and into the light,” she wrote in an email to her daughters and nieces, asking if they were also abused, as she suspected.

In another, she described swimming in the Mediterranean with Gagnon, when a ray of light broke through the clouds. “I had the impression that I was resurfacing from the depths of the sea, that I was returning to the realm of the living. I don’t know how many times [Bryan] nearly drowned me.”

Curiously, her new partner Gagnon had the same experience of recovering memories of child sex abuse by his father, just a few days after Agnes. He later filed a police complaint and legal action that has also estranged him from his family.

At trial, more than a decade later in 2012, Bryan’s counsel argued this was evidence of a “shared psychotic disorder,” more artfully known in French as a “folie à deux.” Judge McIsaac decided it was a “simple coincidence.”

***

In his 2014 ruling, Judge McIsaac described Agnes’s memories of abuse as a “marathon” lasting 15 years, from age 5 until she was 20 and dating her future husband.

“As she stated very poignantly during the course of the examination-in-chief: “On a good day, it was only fellatio; on a bad day he would sodomize me,” he wrote.

The details are beyond outrageous. Bryan would force her head into the toilet and threaten to make her drink. He put a gun barrel in her mouth, said her parents never wanted her, that she was a “mistake.” He locked her in the dairy farm’s cold room, pushed her into a gravel pit, tried to burn her with machinery, killed her baby rabbits by throwing them against a wall. In the barn, he put a rope around her neck and through a pulley as she stood on a hay bale, as if to hang her.

Jessica Nyznik/Postmedia Network

She testified Bryan and Margaret once put her head in a feed bucket, and Joan saved her from suffocating. Joan, to whom Agnes was closest before these allegations caused a deep estrangement, testified she had no memory of this.

One summer, when Agnes was in university and staying with Bryan and his friend at a cottage, she claimed they urinated on her, forced her to eat her feces, and locked her overnight in an abandoned mine shaft, telling her the roof would collapse if she moved. 

On a trip to British Columbia soon after, she claimed Bryan sold drugs and prostituted her to partiers on Long Beach near Tofino, and also to a gang of construction workers in Vancouver. On cross-examination, she acknowledged she did not specifically remember being gang-raped around a fire, as she earlier testified, but she had an “impression” of it.  

Hitchhiking home through the Rockies, they met a man and spent the night in a rented cabin, where both raped her. In a note to Joan, Agnes acknowledged “sometimes it seems like a total fiction to me as well,” but there is “no escaping the authenticity of the reactions of my body.”

“They are not false memories,” the judge decided. In the eyes of the law, Bryan was a monster of almost unmatched cruelty.

***

The summer after the memories resurfaced, Sarah Maddocks, a Toronto psychologist hired as part of Agnes’s lawsuit against Bryan, had been interviewing Agnes for a few hours when she asked about her strange lack of emotional range, given the intensity of the subject.

Agnes said she had “trouble getting into anger,” and as she spoke, she seemed to have a “switch of consciousness.” She started to rock on the couch, eyes glazed, darting but not focused, pouting, her jaw seeming to spasm, choking on her own breath.

“I’m really angry you did nothing!” Agnes shouted. To whom was unclear. Three minutes later, she was calm again.

Agnes would later do this a few times in her physiotherapist’s office in Montreal, speaking in strange child-like voices, both male and female, but in English rather than her usual French. The first time, the physiotherapist wanted to call 911.

Ontario Court of Appeal

“Are you going to tell Mom? Don’t tell Mom,” the boy voice said. “No, I won’t tell Mom. Don’t hurt me,” said the girl.

For Maddocks, who diagnosed post-traumatic stress disorder, agoraphobia and a personality disorder, Agnes’s illness was effectively taken as proof of its own cause. Her mental anguish “provides significant support” for the truth of her claims, she wrote.

There were reasons to be skeptical, and Maddocks was. Agnes was a “vague historian” and scored high on a deception scale, Maddocks observed. She was overly descriptive, but confused on chronology, and insisted on telling things her way, resisting questions. She seemed “emotionally numb” and poorly attuned to her emotional state. Asked about the abuse memories, she became distressed, vague, evasive, and less sophisticated in her language. Her relationship with Gagnon was “abnormally codependent and isolating,” Maddocks found.

In short, Agnes was deeply maladjusted, and probably in significant distress, but trying to hold it together.

Judge McIsaac shared the skepticism, but not enough to let it win the day. For example, he did not hold it against Agnes’s credibility that she refused to be examined by a defence psychiatrist (and even brought professional complaints against those who tried, alleging conflicts of interest, which never stuck). One of those psychiatrists, Brian Hoffman, assessed Bryan and came to believe Agnes’s claims were “the result of the sexualization of her perception of being forced by Bryan to sell the family cottage.”

So Judge McIsaac was faced with a dilemma. He believed Agnes’s claims and Bryan’s denials equally. Maddocks tipped the scales. This was a colossal legal error, a misuse of expert testimony. Judge McIsaac had fallen for what the Ontario Court of Appeal called the “allure of scientific infallibility.” Rather than guide him, he let the hired expert decide the facts.

***

In his defence, Bryan submitted old letters from Agnes, full of domestic details of her life, school and church, and focused on how much she likes him and misses him. Written first in neat penmanship, later on a typewriter, they are polite and articulate. He is her “favourite brother,” and she his “adoring fan.” In one letter, from her room at Queen’s, she tells of how “dismal” she finds T.S. Eliot’s poem The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock, with its line: “In a minute there is time / For decisions and revisions which a minute will reverse.”

For Bryan’s counsel, this was a controversial appeal to the idea that real victims are unlikely to show such affection for their abusers. But this oddly affectionate correspondence had little effect on the outcome.

Peter J. Thompson / National Post

Ordered to pay his sister nearly $500,000, Bryan appealed. He hired Marie Henein, the Toronto lawyer who has played her own famous role in revealing the legal perils of frail memory in sexual-abuse complainants, as counsel to Jian Ghomeshi. With co-counsel Matthew Gourlay and Christine Mainville, Henein took apart Agnes’s recollections, and recently convinced the Ontario Court of Appeal to reverse the ruling, grant a defamation claim against Agnes, and make an example of the trial judge for letting a hired expert “usurp his role as trier of fact.”

This fall, Agnes was saddled with costs and damages to Bryan of almost $180,000. She has not paid. Instead, she hired lawyers to pursue a Supreme Court appeal.

Memories, science suggests, are not like books in a library, or files in a computer, just waiting to be opened anew, exactly as they were stored. Rather, they are stored in many “traces” throughout the brain, and remembering is the process of gathering these traces together, which itself creates new traces. The point is that remembering happens a slightly different way each time.

Memories are strung together like necklaces from beads stored loosely in a jar, according to one scientific metaphor. For the courts, the trouble is that these strings can be weak, and when they break, the results are chaotic, like loose beads falling to the floor.

National Post

• Email: jbrean@nationalpost.com | Twitter: josephbrean

Charlotte police officer won’t be charged in killing of black man that led to violent protests

CHARLOTTE, N.C. — A Charlotte police officer who shot and killed a black man at an apartment complex will not face charges a North Carolina prosecutor announced Wednesday.

Charlotte-Mecklenburg District Attorney Andrew Murray said Officer Brentley Vinson’s actions in killing Keith Lamont Scott were justified.
Scott’s family has said he was not armed.

However, at a lengthy __news conference Murray displayed a nearby store’s surveillance video showing the outline of what appeared to be a holstered gun on Scott’s ankle, and he gave extensive details about other evidence that Scott was armed.

AFP PHOTO / Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department

Plainclothes officers had gone to the complex about 4 p.m. on Sept. 20 looking for a suspect with an outstanding warrant when they saw Scott — not the suspect they were looking for — inside a car with a gun and marijuana, department spokesman Keith Trietley has said in a statement.

Officers saw Scott get out of the car with a gun and then get back in, police said. When officers approached, they said, Scott exited the car with the gun again. At that point, officers deemed Scott a threat and Vinson fired his weapon.

Scott, 43, was pronounced dead at Carolinas Medical Center. An autopsy report from Mecklenburg County authorities says Scott died of gunshot wounds to the back and abdomen.

Vinson, who is also black, had been with the department for two years at the time of the shooting. He has been on administrative leave which is standard in police shootings.

Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department via AP

Scott’s family has said he did not have a gun, but detectives recovered a firearm at the scene, police said.

At a Wednesday __news conference, Murray played a nearby store’s surveillance video that appeared to show the outline of a gun in a holster on Scott’s right ankle.

Body camera and dashcam recordings released earlier by the police department did not conclusively show that and city officials were criticized for the length of time it took to release police video of the shooting.

Scott’s final moments also were recorded by his wife, Rakeyia, in a video shared widely on social media. She can be heard shouting to police that her husband “doesn’t have a gun.” She pleads with the officers not to shoot before a burst of gunfire can be heard.

Sean Rayford/Getty Images

The shooting led to two nights of violent protests, including a fatal shooting in downtown Charlotte the next night. The unrest gave way to several more days of largely peaceful demonstrations, and the city instituted a curfew for multiple nights.

In October, police in North Carolina’s largest city invited the Police Foundation, an independent, nonpartisan organization based in Washington, D.C., to review its policies and procedures following the shooting.

The foundation has done similar reviews elsewhere, assessing police in St. Louis County, Missouri, after the unrest in Ferguson, and analyzing the response to the terror attack in San Bernardino, California.

NICHOLAS KAMM/AFP/Getty Images

The case was among a series across the country since mid-2014 that has spurred a national debate over race and policing.

A trial is underway in Charleston, South Carolina, for a since-fired white patrolman, Michael Slager, facing 30 years to life if convicted of murder in the death last year of a black man, Walter Scott, shot while running from a traffic stop in April.

A Minnesota police officer who shot and killed Philando Castile during a July traffic stop remains free as a manslaughter case against him proceeds.

Deaths of other unarmed black males at the hands of law enforcement officers have inspired protests under the “Black Lives Matter” moniker.

The Black Lives Matter movement traces its roots to the fatal shooting of 17-year-old Trayvon Martin in Florida in 2012, and gained national ground after 18-year-old Michael Brown was shot and killed by a white police officer in Ferguson, Missouri in 2014.